The chairman of the ruling party "Servant of the People", First Deputy Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, head of the working group on preparing a draft law on holding elections and a referendum under wartime conditions in Ukraine, Oleksandr Korniyenko, in an interview with Report touched upon the topic of holding elections under martial law in the country, Azerbaijan's assistance to Ukraine, internal political processes in Ukraine, cooperation with Western organizations and other topics.
Report presents the interview:
- You are the head of the working group on preparing a draft law on holding elections in the country under martial law. When might this draft law be brought up for discussion?
- The working group was indeed created by the chairman of the Verkhovna Rada to work through issues related to holding elections in the period after the cessation of hostilities, but under martial law conditions. This is probably the bulk of our group's work, its main mandate. Currently, within the group, fairly in-depth discussions are taking place between experts and politicians, since conducting democratic events during martial law is very difficult from the standpoint of restrictions on human rights. Speaking about ensuring electoral rights under such a legal regime is very difficult. This is related to campaigning, the ability to put forward one's candidacy, to be elected. Therefore, probably in any case, we can speak more about post-war elections.
If we are talking about elections that could take place before the lifting of martial law, then in any case, they can only be held with a complete and comprehensive ceasefire. The ceasefire should not last one day or, as Putin said, seven days, but at least 30-60 days. Ukrainian legislation provides for certain types of elections. There are two types of elections - regular and snap. The project proposed for the post-war period will be a third type of election. We don't have such a concept yet, we need to create it. However, regular elections always take 90 days, snap elections - 60 days.
We don't know other timeframes in our legislation, it will be difficult to reconsider them. Whether elections will take place this year, of course, depends on the peace process. The negotiation process is ongoing, however, unfortunately, we still do not see the full desire and full readiness of the Russian Federation for a peaceful settlement. They continue shelling (of Ukrainian territory - ed.), and this is happening in parallel with meetings of contact groups.
- To what extent does the current situation allow us to assume that elections may still take place this year? Especially in conditions when the war continues and part of the electorate is outside the country.
- It is difficult to predict holding elections this year. I don't see such grounds until I see what happens in the next few months. We have a martial law regime in effect until May. On the other hand, Russia is intensifying military aggression. If elections are held under these conditions, there will be problems with the ability of Ukrainians outside the country to vote. How can the voting of Ukrainian citizens in Russia be objective? It's hard to imagine a way to do this. I think that all Ukrainians living in Europe or in the United States should vote. We all understand the behavior of the aggressor country (Russia - ed.), and no one there can guarantee that this voting will go normally. But it is possible to ensure the voting of Ukrainians in Europe and in other parts of the world.
- Overall, is there an approximate understanding of the expenses required to hold elections?
- Partners understand that they will finance these elections. We are conducting negotiations with them. For now, the election commission is technically implementing this. In fact, there are no complex calculations here, since 90% of these expenses consist of the salaries of commission members. Since the last elections, the parliamentary elections of 2019, the minimum wage, the average salary have grown by several thousand hryvnias, and some indicators have doubled.
Therefore, accordingly, if elections previously cost 2.5-3 billion hryvnias ($58-70 million - ed.), then if we simply multiply by two, now this figure will be 6 billion ($140 million - ed.). There are still a number of issues here, for example, related to compensation for commission members abroad. How to implement this? If, for example, we go the route of our regulation, some of these people will be there, some may be on business trips. These are all additional expenses. That is, such open questions remain.
- You are the chairman of the ruling party. Who do you see as Volodymyr Zelenskyy's rival in the presidential elections, assuming he participates in them?
- I wouldn't raise this question right now. Who will be the candidate, how it will happen - is still unknown. Currently, the country has more significant problems. For example, the energy crisis. Unfortunately, excessive politicization, particularly the actions of some opposition politicians, do not contribute to solving these issues. In parliament, there are even parties that have already opened headquarters three or four times, created electoral commissions, compiled lists, and even paid people money. All of this has been fruitless.
And this has been going on for seven years already. Our parliament has been exercising its powers for 6 years now (the last parliamentary elections took place in 2019 - ed.). Not a single composition of parliament in Ukraine has existed for so long. Unfortunately, the aggressor country has deprived us of both democracy and the opportunity to hold elections on time. Therefore, now, I think, is not at all the time to engage in this analysis, in such forecasting. Let's see how events will develop, including political ones. Now we need to do everything so that we at least have the opportunity to hold these elections.
- Don't you think that the recent corruption scandal seriously and negatively affected your team's rating?
- We are making changes (in the composition of the team - ed.) to reduce the impact of any scandals. Scandals, yes, there were and are many. But the reaction to scandals is very important. The president's reaction (Volodymyr Zelenskyy - ed.) was almost instantaneous. That is, a certain purge took place. I mean the dismissal of participants in these scandals. If we talk about the work of anti-corruption bodies, then, for example, from the Verkhovna Rada, from the party leadership, there is full support. We support any fight against corruption in the country. For example, new appointments are important to give the army new breath.
The new 35-year-old Minister of Defense Mykhailo Fedorov is the youngest defense minister in the world. We started our political career together with him. Starting from 2022, he has repeatedly proven that he is both a very patriotic person and understands military matters, he is also the main initiator of our drone strategy. As for Denys Shmyhal, he is essentially one of the few people we have who is truly worthy of the position of Energy Minister. Unfortunately, this has been rare for us lately.
At one time, he worked as director of a large thermal power plant. He knows exactly how this sector works, what is needed, what problems exist there. We had a crisis situation for several days (January 31, 2026 - ed.), and he showed how efficiently he resolves these issues, how he will solve them in the future. We hope that still the world, the European community will help our energy sector.
We have big problems with this. We know that Azerbaijan helps with generators, and we are very grateful to Azerbaijan for regularly organizing such deliveries. Because in fact, right now every generator means a minute or an hour of light where it is needed, in critical infrastructure, schools, hospitals, in heating points for pensioners, low-income and other people. Therefore, Azerbaijan's attention to this issue is important to us.
- In one of your interviews, you noted that in the election process in Ukraine, you would prefer cooperation with the European Union and the Council of Europe, rather than with the OSCE mission. Is this Ukraine's final political decision?
- This is a complex question. We are working to properly combine the strengths of all these organizations. In fact, the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) is the structure that defines standards for election observation. We are not departing from these standards. However, there are a number of issues related to the formation of the OSCE mission. We saw that at the OSCE ministerial meeting in Malta, Russia was represented by Sergey Lavrov (head of the Russian Foreign Ministry - ed.)...
It is difficult for us to imagine a situation where at one of these conferences on approving election observation in Ukraine, Lavrov would raise his hand, or vote for something, etc. We do not object to missions from specific countries; on the contrary, we will only welcome them. Including from Azerbaijan. We are confident that a delegation from the Milli Majlis of Azerbaijan can come. Journalists will definitely come, your public figures, etc.
We will be glad if they conduct observation at our elections as part of a mission. But here the question is precisely about OSCE powers. Instead, there really are missions from the European Parliament, the European Union, international organizations. Let's still live to see the elections. Then it will be easier to understand how they will conduct observation.
- Recently, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy spoke critically in Davos, which provoked a mixed reaction in Europe. Following this, Germany announced limitations on military aid to Ukraine. Do you consider this sharp speech by the president to be a sign of a radical change in relations with European countries?
- No, it's not related to this. This is Germany's position, and it has been so for a long time. They periodically review all their packages, their aid. However, our diplomats are working very actively to preserve all the main basic issues of this kind. In the same way, we work extensively with the Bundestag, we have a large friendship group, visits are taking place. For example, one of the places I traveled to most often last year was Berlin.
Because I deal with the process of European integration, Ukraine's accession to the EU, and national negotiations on admission to EU membership. It's clear that Berlin, alongside Paris and Rome, is one of the key capitals. As for the president's speech in Davos, I don't think it's anything radically new. We in Ukraine have long shared such sentiments. Perhaps not in such harsh words as in the president's speech, but everyone speaks about it differently. This is the opinion of any Ukrainian who is now sitting in a house without electricity and under bombardment. Especially for Ukrainians located in territories bordering the Russian Federation or in the front-line zone, the question always arises: why don't our partners support us as actively as they can, as effectively as they can? Yes, they do everything they can, and we are very grateful to them for this, I always thank them.
We understand all the conditions, but the president's rhetorical questions were not a position against any particular country. It was simply a warning about the danger expected in the absence of activity. Decisions by partners are made very slowly. We wait for them for a very long time. Some decisions are not made. There is a system there. There is a war in Europe, and this needs to be understood. The sooner they understand this there, the easier it will be for them. We are saying precisely that this needs to be treated as a war. The Russian Federation is very aggressive. It has many plans for the future.
Unfortunately, if it is not stopped in Kyiv, in Ukraine, then it will have to be stopped later in Tallinn, Riga and other capitals, closer to Europe. I gradually see that partners already understand this. Yes, they already have a sense that they need to be more active. Scandinavia, the Baltics, Poland are very active. France and Germany are already entering the arena, they have a certain understanding. Britain has always been very active on these issues. It is our strategic partner. But I think they still need time to understand this more deeply.
- At present, the negotiation process for conflict resolution has become active again, and the cornerstone issues are territorial concessions and the question of the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant. How will you get out of this impasse?
- An excellent and most important question. We have our own position, our own national interests. We cannot make concessions of our territories and will not do so. The Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant is an important strategic facility. At the same time, we now have a lot destroyed in the energy sector, many generating capacities. It is important for the restoration of our economy. Russia is not demonstrating any good will to stop at the line of contact, as President Trump proposed in March. March 2026 is already approaching, meaning another year of war has passed since this proposal...
- By the way, while we were traveling to you for the interview, we came across a statement by a member of your team, head of the Mykolaiv region Vitalii Kim. He proposes thinking about people more than about territory...
- This is his personal political position, probably he has a right to it. Like any politician, he has earned his political position. If you analyze the opinions of many of our colleagues, many have such a position. But he also indicates there as a basic condition security guarantees and sovereignty. I support the position of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. He is now the President of Ukraine, Chairman of the National Security and Defense Council. We have certain strategic directions. In the negotiations there is a unified position, which our group implements. Negotiations are, of course, a complex issue.
From the point of view of ending the war on the terms of the Russian Federation - it's not simple. We are ready to receive security guarantees, maintain them, recognize our commitments. By the way, under the treaty with the United States, we also recognized this. The United States knows that we are very reliable partners. Without security guarantors, we will be considered as having surrendered to Russia. Because without security guarantors, Ukraine will become a failed state, and this will be an even greater victory for Russia.
Therefore, it is very important here that together with the entire coalition of allies, and the United States too, they exert the right pressure on Russia. We will continue military resistance. Europe must exert economic pressure, support us and bring Russia to conditions under which it will agree to fair terms for this peace.